National Convention: Achilles Heel of Burma’s Political Transition March 3, 2005 By Nehginpao Kipgen/ Washington, D.C., USA
Burma, like many nations, is a haven of ethnic diversity. While reputed for having one of the world’s worst and longest ruling dictatorial regimes, Burma is simultaneously enlivened by favors and endearments from neighboring countries. The international community is intriguingly divided over the question of the military regime’s legitimacy and its preparedness for its democratization process. While Asian countries tend to stay silent, the Western world led by the United States of America has been a staunch proponent for transparent democratic change in Burma. In its current form, the national convention has become the “Achilles Heel” of Burma’s political transition.
On the 17th of February 2005, the “National Convention”, the first step then Prime Minister General Khin Kyunt’s masterpiece road map for democracy, was reconvened despite scores of criticism from different quarters. While turning a deaf ear to the mounting criticisms of the National Convention, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) has stuck itself to the barrel. Thus, the government’s ingenious formula to implement the seven-step road map for democracy remains a question to be reckoned with.
In conjunction with the government’s efforts to legitimize its rule, Prime Minister General Soe Win and Foreign Minister Nyan Win began touring neighboring countries to solicit their support. At a closed-door meeting on the 21st February of 2005 in Manila, General Soe Win and Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo touched on the issue of boosting economic ties as well as the promotion of human rights. The Philippines extended a red-carpet welcome and a 21-gun salute to Soe Win and his entourage at the Palace grounds while protesters chanted "Don’t do business with dictators" and "General Soe Win, How many Burmese did you kill?" This reflects the replica of how repressive the dictatorial regime is.
Burma, while waiting for its turn to chair the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2006, is leaving no stone unturned in its efforts to appease the association’s members. Followings its policy of non-interference in member country’s internal affairs, ASEAN has opted to stay away from Burma’s political imbroglio. To the Burmese military leaders, winning the support and confidence of its neighbors is construed as legitimizing the tenuous hierarchy of the junta. Soe Win’s approach to garner political backing from neighboring countries was keenly followed up by Foreign Minister Nyan Win visit to Bangladesh from February 24-26.
Amidst volley of criticisms and oppositions both within and abroad, the procrastinated National Convention was resumed. Not overlooking the stringent voices of the international community and exiled Burmese pro-democracy activists around the world, the intransigent approach of opposition groups within the country is plausible. The cohesive stance of Committee Representing People’s Parliament (CRPP), formed in 1998 and an umbrella organization of different parties representing the diverse ethnic groups, is encouraging. Among others, U Thong Kho Thang, an elected Member of Parliament from Tamu Township in Upper Sagaing Division, open denouncement of the inclusion of his name among the 1088 convention’s attendees is an epitome of resolute politicking.
Many independent political observers are skeptical of the six laid objectives and 104 principles embedded with the road map for democracy. Although it is a positive initiative of the SPDC to convene the convention by reaching ceasefire agreements with a number of armed revolutionary groups, the image of the convention is loomed and overshadowed by the continued detention of NLD leaders, including Aung San Suu Kyi and the party’s Vice-President, U Tin-Oo. The convention’s image has recently been tarnished by the arrest of leaders from the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) including its chairman, U Hkun Htun Oo. While the convention continues despite its exclusive nature, the outcome will be uncertain, if not null and void as basic democratic values have been hijacked and distorted by the regime. The drafting of any constitution, which will be the guiding principle of the country, without equal representation, is a “hard nut to crack.”
The strategic framework of the government demonstrates critical political errors. In order to solidify the fledgling Burmese political structure, the country needs to provide a congenial forum for all parties and groups regardless of their political affiliations. Barring a group or party in the shaping of a national political machine is counterproductive. Burma needs a national convention where the military leaders, the National League for Democracy and ethnic groups can amicably negotiate the future Union of Burma. In its present from, the convention itself has become the “Achilles Heel” of Burma’s political democratization process because of the lack of inclusion of all political parties.
Nehginpao Kipgen is a USA based political activist and researcher on the rise of political conflicts in modern Burma (1947-2004). He contributes this article to The Kachin Post. The views expressed here are the author’s own.
